Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) is one of Social Security’s biggest defenders in the federal government.
In a recent speech, Sanders addressed the false claims that the program is going broke.
“Today, Social Security has a surplus in the trust fund of $2.76
trillion. A surplus of $2.76 trillion, and can pay out benefits to every
eligible American for the next 19 years, to the year 2033,” said
Sanders.
“Social Security is not an investment program,” continued the
senator. “You can invest money in Wall Street – sometimes you do well.
You can invest money in Wall Street – sometimes you lose your shirt.
Social Security is a social insurance program. It has never failed one
American in 79 years.”
Watch Sen. Sanders’ full remarks.
In one of its first actions, the Republican House of Representatives
of the 114th Congress, changed its rules to manufacture a Social
Security crisis.
GOP Representatives Tom Reed and Sam Johnson
introduced a procedural rule change, which was buried on page 30 of 32
in House Resolution 5. It forbids the House from transferring money
between the Social Security Retirement Fund and the Social Security
Disability Fund - a move that Congress has made 11 times in the past,
irrespective of which party was in control. The result is that the
Disability Fund, which is expected to run out of reserves next year,
cannot be helped using money from the Retirement Fund. Without this
“easy fix” - as the New York Times called it - recipients of Social
Security Disability will see a 19% cut in benefits.
At a glance,
this move by the GOP-led House seems irrational, cynical -
counterproductive. But if you consider Jude Wanniski’s playbook - it
makes complete sense...
Odds
are you've never heard of Jude, but without him Reagan never would have
become a "successful" president, Republicans never would have taken
control of the House or Senate, Bill Clinton never would have been
impeached, and neither George Bush would have been president.
When
Barry Goldwater went down to ignominious defeat in 1964, most
Republicans felt doomed (among them the then-28-year-old Wanniski).
Goldwater himself, although uncomfortable with the rising religious
right within his own party and the calls for more intrusion in people's
bedrooms, was a diehard fan of Herbert Hoover's economic worldview. In
Hoover's world (and virtually all the Republicans since reconstruction
with the exception of Teddy Roosevelt), market fundamentalism was a
virtual religion. Economists from Ludwig von Mises to Friedrich Hayek to
Milton Friedman had preached that government could only make a mess of
things economic, and the world of finance should be left to the Big Boys
– the Masters of the Universe, as they sometimes called themselves –
who ruled Wall Street and international finance.
Hoover
enthusiastically followed the advice of his Treasury Secretary,
multimillionaire Andrew Mellon, who said in 1931: "Liquidate labor,
liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate. Purge
the rottenness out of the system. High costs of living and high living
will come down... enterprising people will pick up the wrecks from less
competent people."
Thus, the Republican mantra was: "Lower taxes,
reduce the size of government, and balance the budget." The only problem
with this ideology from the Hooverite perspective was that the
Democrats always seemed like the bestowers of gifts, while the
Republicans were seen by the American people as the stingy Scrooges,
bent on making the lives of working people harder all the while making
richer the very richest.
This, Republican strategists since 1930
knew, was no way to win elections. Which was why the most successful
Republican of the 20th century up to that time, Dwight D. Eisenhower,
had been quite happy with a top income tax rate on millionaires of 91
percent. As he wrote to his brother Edgar Eisenhower in a personal
letter on November 8, 1954:
[T]o attain any success
it is quite clear that the Federal government cannot avoid or escape
responsibilities which the mass of the people firmly believe should be
undertaken by it. The political processes of our country are such that
if a rule of reason is not applied in this effort, we will lose
everything--even to a possible and drastic change in the Constitution.
This is what I mean by my constant insistence upon 'moderation' in
government. Should any political party attempt to abolish social
security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm
programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political
history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you
can do these things. Among them are H. L. Hunt [you possibly know his
background], a few other Texas oil millionaires, and an occasional
politician or business man from other areas. Their number is negligible
and they are stupid.
Goldwater, however, rejected the
"liberalism" of Eisenhower, Rockefeller, and other "moderates" within
his own party. Extremism in defense of liberty was no vice, he famously
told the 1964 nominating convention, and moderation was no virtue. And
it doomed him and his party. And so after Goldwater's defeat, the
Republicans were again lost in the wilderness just as after Hoover's
disastrous presidency.
Even four years later when Richard Nixon
beat Hubert Humphrey in 1968, Nixon wasn't willing to embrace the
economic conservatism of Goldwater and the economic true believers in
the Republican Party. And Jerry Ford wasn't, in their opinions, much
better. If Nixon and Ford believed in economic conservatism, they were
afraid to practice it for fear of dooming their party to another forty
years in the electoral wilderness.
By 1974, Jude Wanniski had had
enough. The Democrats got to play Santa Claus when they passed out
Social Security and Unemployment checks – both programs of the New Deal –
as well as when their "big government" projects like roads, bridges,
and highways were built giving a healthy union paycheck to construction
workers. Democrats kept raising taxes on businesses and rich people to
pay for things, which didn't seem to have much effect at all on working
people (wages were steadily going up, in fact), and that made them seem
like a party of Robin Hoods, taking from the rich to fund programs for
the poor and the working class.
Americans loved it. And every
time Republicans railed against these programs, they lost elections.
Everybody understood at the time that economies are driven by demand.
People with good jobs have money in their pockets, and want to use it to
buy things. The job of the business community is to either determine or
drive that demand to their particular goods, and when they're
successful at meeting the demand then factories get built, more people
become employed to make more products, and those newly-employed people
have a paycheck that further increases demand.
Wanniski
decided to turn the classical world of economics – which had operated
on this simple demand-driven equation for seven thousand years – on its
head. In 1974 he invented a new phrase – "supply side economics" – and
suggested that the reason economies grew wasn't because people had money
and wanted to buy things with it but, instead, because things were
available for sale, thus tantalizing people to part with their money.
The more things there were, the faster the economy would grow.
At
the same time, Arthur Laffer was taking that equation a step further.
Not only was supply-side a rational concept, Laffer suggested, but as
taxes went down, revenue to the government would go up! Neither concept
made any sense – and time has proven both to be colossal idiocies – but
together they offered the Republican Party a way out of the wilderness.
Ronald
Reagan was the first national Republican politician to suggest that he
could cut taxes on rich people and businesses, that those tax cuts would
cause them to take their surplus money and build factories or import
large quantities of cheap stuff from low-labor countries, and that the
more stuff there was supplying the economy the faster it would
grow. George Herbert Walker Bush – like most Republicans of the time –
was horrified. Ronald Reagan was suggesting "Voodoo Economics," said
Bush in the primary campaign, and Wanniski's supply-side and Laffer's
tax-cut theories would throw the nation into such deep debt that we'd
ultimately crash into another Republican Great Depression.
But
Wanniski had been doing his homework on how to sell supply-side
economics. In 1976, he rolled out to the hard-right insiders in the
Republican Party his "Two Santa Clauses" theory, which would enable the
Republicans to take power in America for the next thirty years.
Democrats, he said, had been able to be "Santa Clauses" by giving people
things from the largesse of the federal government. Republicans could
do that, too – spending could actually increase. Plus, Republicans could
be double Santa Clauses by cutting people's taxes! For working people
it would only be a small token – a few hundred dollars a year on average
– but would be heavily marketed. And for the rich it would amount to
hundreds of billions of dollars in tax cuts. The rich, in turn, would
use that money to import or build more stuff to market, thus increasing
supply and stimulating the economy. And that growth in the economy would
mean that the people still paying taxes would pay more because they
were earning more.
There was no way, Wanniski said, that the
Democrats could ever win again. They'd have to be anti-Santas by raising
taxes, or anti-Santas by cutting spending. Either one would lose them
elections.
When Reagan rolled out Supply Side Economics in the
early 80s, dramatically cutting taxes while exploding (mostly military)
spending, there was a moment when it seemed to Wanniski and Laffer that
all was lost. The budget deficit exploded and the country fell into a
deep recession – the worst since the Great Depression – and Republicans
nationwide held their collective breath. But David Stockman came up with
a great new theory about what was going on – they were "starving the
beast" of government by running up such huge deficits that Democrats
would never, ever in the future be able to talk again about national
health care or improving Social Security. And this so pleased Alan
Greenspan, the Fed Chairman, that he opened the spigots of the Fed,
dropping interest rates and buying government bonds, producing a nice,
healthy goose to the economy.
Greenspan further counseled Reagan
to dramatically increase taxes on people earning under $37,800 a year by
increasing the Social Security (FICA/payroll) tax, and then let the
government borrow those newfound hundreds of billions of dollars
off-the-books to make the deficit look better than it was. Reagan,
Greenspan, Winniski, and Laffer took the federal budget deficit from
under a trillion dollars in 1980 to almost three trillion by 1988, and
back then a dollar could buy far more than it buys today. They and
George HW Bush ran up more debt in eight years than every president in
history, from George Washington to Jimmy Carter, combined. Surely this
would both starve the beast and force the Democrats to make the
politically suicidal move of becoming deficit hawks.
And that's
just how it turned out. Bill Clinton, who had run on an FDR-like
platform of a "new covenant" with the American people that would
strengthen the institutions of the New Deal, strengthen labor, and
institute a national health care system, found himself in a box. A few
weeks before his inauguration, Alan Greenspan and Robert Rubin sat him
down and told him the facts of life: he was going to have to raise taxes
and cut the size of government. Clinton took their advice to heart,
raised taxes, balanced the budget, and cut numerous programs, declaring
an "end to welfare as we know it" and, in his second inaugural address,
an "end to the era of big government."
He was the anti-Santa
Claus, and the result was an explosion of Republican wins across the
country as Republican politicians campaigned on a platform of
supply-side tax cuts and pork-rich spending increases. Looking at the
wreckage of the Democratic Party all around Clinton by 1999, Winniski
wrote a gloating memo that said, in part: "We of course should be
indebted to Art Laffer for all time for his Curve... But as the primary
political theoretician of the supply-side camp, I began arguing for the
'Two Santa Claus Theory' in 1974. If the Democrats are going to play
Santa Claus by promoting more spending, the Republicans can never beat
them by promoting less spending. They have to promise tax cuts..."
Ed
Crane, president of the Libertarian CATO Institute, noted in a memo
that year: "When Jack Kemp, Newt Gingich, Vin Weber, Connie Mack and the
rest discovered Jude Wanniski and Art Laffer, they thought they'd died
and gone to heaven. In supply-side economics they found a philosophy
that gave them a free pass out of the debate over the proper role of
government. Just cut taxes and grow the economy: government will shrink
as a percentage of GDP, even if you don't cut spending. That's why you
rarely, if ever, heard Kemp or Gingrich call for spending cuts, much
less the elimination of programs and departments."
George
W. Bush embraced the Two Santa Claus Theory with gusto, ramming through
huge tax cuts – particularly a cut to a maximum 15 percent income tax
rate on people like himself who made their principle income from sitting
around the pool waiting for their dividend or capital gains checks to
arrive in the mail – and blowing out federal spending. Bush even
out-spent Reagan, which nobody had ever thought would again be possible.
And it all seemed to be going so well, just as it did in the early
1920s when a series of three consecutive Republican presidents cut
income taxes on the uber-rich from over 70 percent to under 30 percent.
In
1929, pretty much everybody realized that instead of building factories
with all that extra money, the rich had been pouring it into the stock
market, inflating a bubble that – like an inexorable law of nature –
would have to burst. But the people who remembered that lesson were
mostly all dead by 2005, when Jude Wanniski died and George Gilder
celebrated the Reagan/Bush supply-side-created bubble economies in a
Wall Street Journal eulogy:"...Jude's charismatic focus on the tax on
capital gains redeemed the fiscal policies of four administrations. ...
[T]he capital-gains tax has come erratically but inexorably down --
while the market capitalization of U.S. equities has risen from roughly a
third of global market cap to close to half. ... These many trillions
in new entrepreneurial wealth are a true warrant of the worth of his
impact. Unbound by zero-sum economics, Jude forged the golden gift of a
profound and passionate argument that the establishments of the mold
must finally give way to the powers of the mind. ... He audaciously
defied all the Buffetteers of the trade gap, the moldy figs of the
Phillips Curve, the chic traders in money and principle, even the
stultifying pillows of the Nobel Prize."
In reality, his tax cuts
did what they have always done over the past 100 years – they initiated a
bubble economy that would let the very rich skim the cream off the top
just before the ceiling crashed in on working people. The Republicans
got what they wanted from Wanniski's work. They held power for thirty
years, made themselves trillions of dollars, cut organized labor's
representation in the workplace from around 25 percent when Reagan came
into office to around 8 of the non-governmental workforce today.
Next
year, when the Disability Trust Fund runs out of money, the GOP’s plan
is for force Democrats to become the anti-Santa, yet again. If Congress
does nothing because the “easy fix” is unavailable due the Republican
rule change, Disability Santa will take a 19% cut.
Reed said of
his rule change, “Anyone who cares about finding a fair solution for
both the catastrophically disabled who depend on SSDI and senior
citizens who depend on Social Security knows that
we must find a long-term solution which
protects both of them rather than a short term band aid which threatens
them both.” It is clear that the GOP plan is to use this unnecessary,
manufactured crisis as an opening to “reform” Social Security -
translated: cut and privatize. Thus, forcing Democrats to become the
Social Security anti-Santa a different way.
When this happens,
Democrats must remember Jude Wanniski - and accept neither the cut to
disability payments, nor the entree to Social Security “reform”They must
demand the the House rule be changed back, and that the fix used many
times in the past, be used again.